Abstract
At least 2 billion people around the world drink water from a contaminated source. About two million children die every year from diarrheal diseases and around 700 million people worldwide are affected by chronic kidney disease because of unsafe drinking water and sanitation, despite the availability of effective and inexpensive technologies to improve water quality (Null et al. 2012). Most efforts to provide clean water focused on the technology of chlorine (adding chlorine or chlorine compounds such as sodium hypochlorite to water), which is affordable and easy to use (see, for example, Amrita, Kremer, and Zwane 2010; Null et al. 2012; Dupas et al. 2022).
Despite the evidence of health benefits associated with chlorine water, empirical evidence indicates that most households in developing countries are not willing to adopt and pay much for it (Amrita, Kremer, and Zwane 2010; Null et al. 2012; Berry, Fischer, and Guiteras 2020). Indeed, Dupas et al. (2016) and Dupas et al. (2022) report that less than half of households consume chlorine water even when they receive chlorine for free.
A plausible hypothesis is that previous efforts to promote adoption of clean water disregard the importance of understanding the local culture. Our hypothesis is that there are factors explaining the low take-up rates (and willingness to pay) of chlorine water other than price itself or lack of adequate information. In particular, we propose that dislike for taste of chlorinated water and/or its cultural unsuitability might explain low adoption rates (and willingness to pay). Moreover, in rural areas with high illiteracy rates, people may use taste as a strong signal of healthy water more than standard information messages. To test this hypoyhesis, we will run two separate experiments with women residing in rural village in Upper Egypt. We focus on medium to large sized villages with poor water quality, high incidence of water-borne diseases (such as diarrhea and kidney failures), and without NGOs providing water related services in the area.
The first experiment consists of a blind test between chlorinated and filtered water or tea. While health status is equalized between the two samples of water, they differ in taste. While health and taste is equalized between filtered water and tea, they differ in cultural relevance since consumption of tea is strongly embedded in local habits and social traditions. After tasting water (or tea), women will report which water they prefer, as well as express health perceptions on both samples of water.
In the second experiment, we propose a randomized design at the household level in two rural villages in Upper Egypt. In our experiment, there are 3 groups: a treatment group, a control group, and a pure control group. The treatment group will be offered a tank of 10 liters of healthy filtered water. The control group will be offered a tank of 10 liters of chlorine water. Finally, the pure control group will not be offered cleaned water. Both treated and control women will taste water (or tea) from the offered tank before proceeding to express their adoption decision and willingness-to-pay (WTP). In a follow-up visit, we will measure the effect of the intervention on health and hygiene measures, as well as domestic violence, in the treatment and pure control group.