Intervention (Hidden)
Migration is widely recognized as a socially embedded process, shaped and sustained by interpersonal networks (Bashi 2007). Migrants often maintain economic and social ties between origin and destination (Levitt and Glick Schiller 2004; Lubbers et al. 2020). Yet, conventional migration surveys have largely overlooked the potential of these networks for improving data collection and sample representation (Merli et al. 2022).
A central challenge in migration research is high attrition and non-contact rates, which undermine the validity of longitudinal and tracking surveys. Internal migrants, as mobile populations, are especially prone to systematic loss and bias. For instance, in the 2010 wave of the TVSEP Migrant Tracking Survey, only 960 of 2,700 migrant-linked households were successfully interviewed —a tracking response rate of just 35%. This mirrors findings from economic field studies highlighting the difficulty of tracking highly mobile individuals over time (McKenzie & Mistiaen 2009; Barham, Macours & Maluccio 2017).
Existing studies leveraging social networks in migration research have primarily focused on using these networks to define and recruit the initial sample. This includes conventional approaches such as respondent-driven sampling (RDS) and snowball sampling, as well as newer methods like Network Sampling with Memory (NSM), which refine recruitment and the construction of representative samples through network ties (Mouw and Verdery 2022; Merli et al. 2022). However, these methods focus mostly on the sampling phase—i.e., identifying and reaching eligible respondents through their social ties.
In contrast, our experiment does not use networks to construct the sample; rather, we leverage existing social networks to support participation and minimize attrition within a predefined sample of migrants. In line with Ghimire et al. (2019), who emphasize the value of engaging origin households to improve migrant traceability and response, our approach focuses on leveraging these networks not for initial recruitment but to enhance follow-up survey participation and retention. Our focus is on assessing whether activating and incentivizing intermediaries within migrants’ social environments—specifically, family members in migrants’ rural origin households—can improve contact and response rates during longitudinal follow-up. Thus, we shift the use of social networks from sample generation to the enhancement of ongoing participation and retention, testing whether network-informed interventions can cost-effectively reduce attrition and strengthen survey data quality in hard-to-track mobile populations.
We test the effectiveness of conditional incentives and communication nudges delivered directly to network members—specifically: (1) small non-monetary rewards (e.g., phone credit top-ups/ mobile money) to encourage household members to proactively contact the migrant before survey staff attempt follow-up; (2) monetary incentives offered to the migrant’s home household, contingent on the migrant’s survey completion; and (3) a combination of both. We will also implement a migrant-level information treatment, informing the migrant about the conditional incentive offered to their household. This strategy targets persistent participation barriers—like unreachable numbers, reluctance to answer unfamiliar calls, and low motivation—by leveraging trusted social ties to facilitate re-engagement. It is grounded in evidence that respondents, especially those from stigmatized or mobile groups, are more likely to participate and respond truthfully when approached via acquaintances or friends rather than through random contact (Mouw and Verdery, 2022), and that cooperation with the survey team, which is also required from the social network side in case of a tracking survey, may be enhanced by monetary incentives (Singer and Ye, 2013).
Our experiment contributes to several strands of the literature. A large body of experimental research shows that monetary incentives—whether unconditional (prepaid) or conditional (post-completion)—significantly increase survey response rates across modes and contexts, including hard-to-reach groups. Meta-analyses (e.g., Singer 2002; Singer & Ye 2013) consistently find that (1) cash incentives are generally more effective than non-cash gifts; (2) prepaid incentives (given before participation) outperform conditional incentives; (3) incentives disproportionately increase participation among groups otherwise under-represented (e.g., minorities, lower-education groups) and in panel studies, thereby mitigating attrition and sample bias. All of these studies focus on incentives handed out to the respondent himself.
Behavioral economics explains that incentives work by activating motivations like reciprocity, compensation for time, and overcoming reluctance. Offering rural households a conditional, ex-post monetary reward for successfully facilitating the migrant’s interview targets the “compensation for time” channel, acknowledging the effort in providing updated contact details or arranging meetings. An unconditional, ex-ante phone-credit top-up/ mobile money transfer appeals to reciprocity, encouraging households to notify migrants before researchers contact them. This approach aligns with findings in development and experimental economics showing that peer referrals and network-based rewards tied to outcomes significantly boost participation and cooperation (Banerjee et al., 2013; Cai, de Janvry & Sadoulet, 2015). Here, we apply these insights to survey participation rather than program enrollment.
Finally, beyond improving response rates, understanding who is more likely to remain trackable across treatment groups allows us to assess potential biases in survey attrition. Non-contact often disproportionately excludes the most vulnerable or socially isolated migrants, distorting both descriptive findings and causal inference. In addition, in a context where phone-based scams are common, patterns of mistrust toward unfamiliar numbers may themselves contribute to selective non-contact or non-sharing of migrant contact details. Migrants or households with prior exposure to scam calls may be systematically less likely to engage with survey enumerators. If such skepticism correlates with socioeconomic status, or remittance behavior, it could generate non-random attrition that disproportionately excludes particular subgroups. By leveraging information on households’ reported exposure to scam calls in the 2024 TVSEP wave, we will examine whether mistrust-related selectivity accounts for part of the observed differences in response rates and attrition across treatment groups.
Intervention/ Treatment Arms
In the past TVSEP Migrant Tracking Surveys, we lost migrant respondents because (R1) rural households did not share the accurate phone number with us; (R2) migrants were not willing to pick up the phone of an unknown phone number, (R3) migrants were not willing to sacrifice time to participate in the interview.
This study uses a 2x2 factorial design at the household calling stage, complemented by a migrant-level information treatment, to test strategies for reducing attrition in migrant follow-up surveys:
1. an unconditional, ex-ante communication nudge in the form of a small phone credit top-up/ mobile money top-up to encourage the household to notify the migrant ahead of survey contact,
2. a conditional, ex-post monetary incentive paid to the migrant’s rural household contingent on survey completion,
3. a migrant-level treatment informing them of household incentives, in case they were announced to the household.
Both the unconditional nudge and the conditional ex-post monetary incentive are intended to address barriers R1, R2, and R3. These interventions encourage households to provide accurate contact details and to reach out to the migrant before our team calls. The motivations differ—reciprocity in the case of the ex-ante nudge, and monetary self-interest in the case of the ex-post incentive. In addition, both aim to increase the chances that households will persuade migrants to participate, making it more likely that migrants agree to spend time on the interview.
Half of the migrants in household treatment groups that receive the conditional ex-post payment will also be exposed to an information treatment during the migrant phone call. This treatment informs them that their household will receive monetary compensation upon completing the survey. The information is provided immediately before asking whether they are willing to schedule a meeting with our survey team. This design allows us to examine the impact of the information treatment on both the likelihood of agreeing to participate and the subsequent actual survey take-up. Implemented during the migrant recruitment phase, the information treatment specifically targets R3 by enhancing the migrant’s motivation to take part in the interview.
The interventions are implemented at both the household and migrant calling stages.